Hungarian President Tamas Sulyok has set the date for Hungary's next parliamentary election as April 12, the earliest possible day under Hungary's constitution and election law, the presidential office announced on Facebook on January 12.

By law, the election must be called 70–90 days in advance and held on a Sunday in April or May, excluding public holidays, Easter, and Pentecost. The earliest possible date this year is April 12, one week after Easter, while the latest permissible date under the law would be May 31.

The decision comes as little surprise, analysts note, as the head of a government-funded political institute spoke publicly about April 12 as the expected election date, and Prime Minister Viktor Orban was seen sporting a T-shirt featuring the date at the annual Baile Tusnad Summer University last July. Hungary’s veteran leader at that time did not provide a specific answer when asked about the election date, noting that the decision formally lies with the president.

The timing of the election is significant because of legal deadlines and campaign-planning considerations. The official campaign period begins 50 days before election day, when parties start collecting supporting signatures to field candidates in the 106 constituencies. However, both the ruling Fidesz party and the opposition Tisza effectively launched their campaigns months earlier at rallies held on the October 23 national holiday.

The events were widely interpreted as an early test of mobilisation strength and a contest over which side could attract the larger crowd. Tisza appeared to triumph in that regard, drawing close to 200,000 to Budapest’s Heroes’ Square.

The 2026 parliamentary elections are widely regarded as a high-stakes contest that will determine whether Fidesz can extend its long-standing rule or whether a change of government led by its challenger, Peter Magyar, and the Tisza Party will take place.

Observers note that the outcome will shape both Hungary’s domestic political direction and its future role within the EU. The race is expected to be closer than in previous election cycles. The result may hinge on turnout, undecided voters, and the distribution of mandates across the 106 constituencies.

Even though Tisza is shown leading in some polls by as much as 10pp among decided voters, the election law, combined with Fidesz’s ability to deploy unlimited resources, its control over public media, preferential access to advertising, and favourable campaign regulations, continues to strengthen the ruling party’s electoral advantage.

The current electoral system, tweaked several times since Fidesz’s first supermajority in 2010, has been widely criticised for giving the ruling party structural advantages. Analysts point to the combination of gerrymandered constituency boundaries, a mixed-member voting system, and a partial vote compensation mechanism, which together translate narrow local victories into a disproportionately large number of parliamentary seats.

Fidesz reduced the number of constituencies in Budapest from 18 to 16 in 2022, and analysts have not ruled out further changes to the electoral law before the election.

Ethnic Hungarians with Hungarian citizenship, who largely support Fidesz, are allowed to vote by mail, whereas Hungarians working abroad with an address in the country can cast their ballots only at official foreign representations, totalling 151. Even as that number has increased since the last election, many foreign workers have to travel hundreds of kilometres to vote.

Fidesz has presented the election as a choice between stability and uncertainty, focusing on national sovereignty, security, and economic protection measures, while criticising the opposition as aligned with foreign interests. Government officials have also highlighted economic protection measures and social benefits, portraying the opposition as inexperienced and reliant on external support.

The ruling nationalist-conservatives introduced their new campaign slogan, "the safe choice," portraying the vote as a decision between stability and risk. According to political analysts, the message fits Orban’s long-standing narrative that a turbulent, transforming world requires experienced leadership, presenting the prime minister as the only figure capable of steering the country through global challenges. 

Hungary’s veteran leader, the longest serving prime minister, also received endorsements from a dozen foreign politicians, including Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Italian Premier Giorgia Meloni, and AfD co-chair Alice Weidel, who praised him in video messages. 

At the January 10 party congress, the prime minister said that Hungary needs calm confidence in these turbulent times and that this is not the moment for “experimentally minded lunatics,” referring to his challenger.

Shortly after the Fidesz congress, Magyar announced that the Tisza Party had registered the corresponding internet domain, biztosvalasztas.hu,  and was using it to publish content critical of the government.

Analysts say Magyar probably knew about the new campaign slogan well in advance, showing that information from the top levels of government can leak. The development could pose a concern for Fidesz, as it is not the first instance in which Magyar has learned of party plans or announcements ahead of schedule.

The Tisza Party has centred its campaign on anti-corruption pledges, institutional reform, and improving Hungary’s relations with the European Union. The party argues that a change of government is necessary to restore trust in public institutions and to secure access to EU funds currently withheld. Unlike earlier opposition efforts, Tisza has sought to appeal beyond traditional party lines, emphasising governance and economic renewal over ideological divisions.