The Peruvian Congress forced President Dina Boluarte from office on October 10, in a swift, highly choreographed withdrawal that exposed far more about the self-preservation instincts of the political class than about any coherent constitutional remedy. 

By the early hours of Friday, the unicameral legislature had approved a presidential vacancy, with what most accounts describe as an overwhelming majority. 122 legislators voted in favour of the "vacancia," the constitutional mechanism that declares the presidency vacant due to “permanent moral incapacity”. The president of Congress, José Jerí (Somos Perú), was immediately sworn in as interim head of state under the constitutional line of succession.

The move came amid rising violence, falling approval ratings, and political calculations ahead of the 2026 elections.

Boluarte’s removal follows weeks of public anger over crime and insecurity. The immediate trigger was an armed attack at a concert by the cumbia band Agua Marina in Lima’s Chorrillos district, where five people were injured, including four musicians and a street vendor. Police described it as a planned assault linked to organised crime. The event fuelled outrage across the country and reinforced the view that the government had lost control of public safety.

The Ministry of the Interior’s own data shows that reported assaults rose by 22% in 2024. Contract killings, known locally as sicariatos, have multiplied in cities such as Trujillo and Piura, while extortion networks have spread through Lima’s transport and market systems. Public perception surveys consistently ranked insecurity as the country’s main concern, far above inequality or unemployment.

Boluarte’s ministers appeared overwhelmed. Interior Minister Carlos Malaver became a symbol of the government’s disarray when he told Congress that improving security required “forcing Meta to open an office in Peru” to help investigations, comments that generated ridicule across the political spectrum.

Until the day before the vote, Boluarte was still backed by the conservative bloc that had supported her since taking power in late 2022: Fuerza Popular, Alianza para el Progreso (APP), and Somos Perú. But by the afternoon of October 10, that alliance collapsed. At 15:02, Fuerza Popular issued a statement on X announcing its support for the vacancia. APP and Somos Perú quickly followed, leaving the president isolated.

The timing was not accidental. With general elections approaching in April 2026, Fuerza Popular, led by right-wing populist firebrand Keiko Fujimori, could no longer afford to appear aligned with a deeply unpopular government. Boluarte’s dismal approval record stood at 2.5%, as per the latest polls. Within the party, there was growing concern that defending her could damage Fujimori’s own presidential chances and hand the far-right Renovación Popular the opportunity to capitalise on anti-Boluarte sentiment.

One congressional adviser told El Comercio that “the party couldn’t go into an election still defending a government that everyone blames for insecurity.” Others within Fuerza Popular described the decision as “electoral hygiene,” a way to cut ties before the campaign season begins.

As her support vanished, Boluarte reportedly tried to negotiate a last-minute truce. According to El Comercio, she called party leaders offering to reshuffle her cabinet and appoint figures acceptable to the right. The proposal was rejected. Both Fuerza Popular and APP advised her to resign voluntarily to avoid humiliation, but she refused, hoping to delay the session. When the left-wing caucus demanded an immediate vote, the conservative bloc chose to proceed, sealing her fate before midnight.

Boluarte’s fall was not a surprise but rather the culmination of two years of growing discontent. Her government had survived violent protests in 2022 and 2023 that left at least 60 people dead, according to human rights groups, but never recovered politically. By the end, she had lost not only public legitimacy but also the parliamentary support that had kept her in power.

With Boluarte’s removal and no vice-presidents in office, the presidency passed automatically to José Jerí Oré, the 38-year-old leader of Congress and a member of Somos Perú. In his first address, Jerí promised to “lead with empathy” and to “win the war against insecurity.” He also pledged to maintain the 2026 elections as scheduled.

Jerí’s record, however, raises serious questions. He has faced several investigations, including allegations of sexual assault, corruption, and disobedience to judicial orders. Earlier this year, a woman accused him of rape during a private gathering in Canta, although prosecutors later dropped the case for lack of evidence. Separate reports indicate he ignored a court order to attend therapy for “impulsive sexual behaviour,” leading to another investigation.

His political past is also controversial. Businesswoman Blanca Ríos accused him of involvement in a bribery network during his time as head of the Budget Committee, claiming she paid intermediaries linked to his office to secure funding for regional projects. Jerí has denied wrongdoing but has not provided detailed explanations.

Despite these accusations, Congress moved swiftly to confirm him. A motion to censure Jerí, presented by left-wing legislator Jaime Quito, failed with 61 votes against, 36 in favour, and 17 abstentions. The legislature’s first vice-president, Fernando Rospigliosi of Fuerza Popular, was then sworn in as new head of Congress, ensuring the right retains institutional control.

Since 2016, Peru has cycled through six presidents, reflecting a pattern of chronic political fragmentation and congressional overreach. Pedro Pablo Kuczynski resigned under corruption allegations, Martín Vizcarra was impeached for “moral incapacity,” Manuel Merino lasted only five days after deadly protests forced his resignation, Francisco Sagasti completed an interim mandate, Pedro Castillo was ousted in 2022 for attempting to dissolve Congress, and Dina Boluarte has now been removed in turn. 

The repeated use of the vacancia clause, a vaguely defined constitutional tool, has turned presidential succession into a routine political weapon rather than an extraordinary measure.

Observers now warn that street unrest could return, recalling the 2020 protests that erupted after Merino’s short-lived appointment. Those demonstrations, led largely by young Peruvians angered at Congress’s power grab, left two dead and dozens injured. 

The ousting of Boluarte and Jerí’s rise follows a pattern that has come to define Peruvian politics. Congress operates less as a stabilising force than as a self-preserving mechanism. The same parties that sustained Boluarte until it became electorally costly now control the presidency through Jerí, without a single vote from citizens.

For Fuerza Popular, the vacancia was less a moral stand than a strategic move to regain distance from a discredited government and reset its public image ahead of 2026. By leading the ouster, Fujimori’s party can present itself as the one that “ended Boluarte’s crisis,” rather than the one that enabled it.

However, the broader consequences remain uncertain. Public trust in Congress is near record lows, and security conditions continue to deteriorate. The change in leadership offers little evidence of a new direction. Instead, it reflects a political class skilled at surviving crises it helps to create.

The vacancia of Dina Boluarte may cap off a disgraced presidency, but it does not end the crisis that made it possible in the first place. Peru now enters another phase of instability, governed by a Congress that continues to act in its own interest, while citizens face growing violence and institutional fatigue.