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Indonesia, US forge defence partnership

The MDCP is a clear signal that when it comes to regional deterrence and technological modernisation, Indonesia views the US as its primary partner, but it will continue to deal with Russia and China to ensure the lights stay on at home.
Indonesia, US forge defence partnership
Indonesian Defence Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin and US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth
April 17, 2026

With the geopolitical architecture of Southeast Asia going through a shift of late, Indonesia and the US have taken a further, and important step in their security relationship by way of a Major Defence Cooperation Partnership (MDCP) signed at the Pentagon on April 13, Antara News reports. For President Prabowo, this marks a pivotal moment for his defence-focused administration. It strikes a balance between high-stakes military modernisation and a non-aligned sprint for energy security.

Formalised in a meeting between Indonesian Defence Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin and US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth, the MDCP partnership is dubbed the "fruit of decades of cooperation", The Diplomat reports. There are three foundational pillars to focus on: military modernisation and capacity building, training and professional military education, and exercises and operational cooperation.

For military modernisation and capacity building, both countries will focus on initiatives that will contribute to next-generation maritime, subsurface, and autonomous systems. For training and professional military education (PME), Indonesia seeks to expand elite training, including a commitment to enhance joint special forces exercises. As for exercises and operational cooperation, the partnership will increase the complexity of bilateral and multilateral drills, specifically the Super Garuda Shield.

In addition, and despite Jakarta opting not to move forward with it, Hegseth made remarks about Indonesia’s participation in the Board of Peace (BoP) and its role in the International Stabilisation Force (ISF) for Gaza.

Why now?

Analysts in Indonesia recognise the country is engaged in a high-wire "double-track" diplomatic mission and that the 2026 energy crisis increasingly strains the approach.

For Indonesia, elevating its relationship with superpowers is a move towards securing itself alongside other powerful nations. Besides the US, Prabowo also met Vladimir Putin in Moscow in an attempt to buy a high-tech security insurance policy, albeit without threatening Jakarta's non-aligned credentials.

It is a recognisable survival tactic, as the Strait of Hormuz blockade drives oil prices to over $100 per barrel on a regular basis. Through meeting with Russia, Prabowo is also trying to secure immediate oil shipments while using the US connection to secure long-term maritime deterence. The timing, however, is raising a number of questions, as Indonesia is working to tighten its embrace of the US even as domestic pressure mounts to withdraw from US-led initiatives like the Board of Peace following the recent joint US-Israeli strikes on Iran.

Modernisation with next-gen tech

As such, MDCP has brought the spotlight onto the joint sectors of high-tech maritime and subsurface autonomous systems. This is especially notable given that China’s presence in the North Natuna Sea near Indonesia remains a persistent concern; the TNI (Indonesian Armed Forces) is looking to leverage US technology for maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) support in this and other areas.

Meanwhile, the agreement to enhance special forces training is a sensitive topic given past human rights scrutiny in Indonesia. Because of this, MDCP’s finalisation indicates that the US is willing to overlook historical friction to secure a strategic anchor in the Indo-Pacific.

To underline that Indonesia remains free and ready to make its own moves, however, President Prabowo’s visit to the Pentagon was mirrored by his third trip to Russia in less than a year. In Moscow, Prabowo hailed Russia’s constructive role in the geopolitical landscape, emphasising the need for joint consultations in the economic and energy sectors.

To this end, for Indonesia, while the US partnership provides the hardware for defence, the Russian relationship provides the fuel for the economy. Putin’s invitation for Prabowo to return for the KazanForum in May and INNOPROM in July further suggests that Moscow sees Indonesia as its primary gateway to the Global South, even as Jakarta deepens its military ties with the West.

Risk and domestic friction

The MDCP has already triggered a backlash from the public as it arrives at a moment of significant domestic tension. One of the main tensions has been the recent deaths of three Indonesian peacekeepers in Lebanon, and the joint US-Israeli attack on Iran. This has amplified calls from Muslim groups and analysts for Indonesia to scale back its cooperation with the US.

However, the symbolic nature of the MDCP suggests that while the rhetoric remains that it’s a major step, the actual substance involved is merely the incremental expansion of existing programmes. While Indonesia’s 'total diplomacy' is being tested like never before, discussions are reportedly underway regarding "blanket overflight access" for US military aircraft. In this, the Prabowo administration is walking a fine line.

The MDCP is a clear signal that when it comes to regional deterrence and technological modernisation, Indonesia views the US as its primary partner, but it will continue to deal with Russia and China to ensure the lights stay on at home.

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