Hungarian opposition leader Peter Magyar, in a Facebook video on February 12, acknowledged the existence of a sex tape recorded secretly in August 2024, which allegedly shows him with his girlfriend at the time. According to analysts, Magyar is taking some political risk by going public preemptively before the potential release of the footage, but he is seeking to regain control of the narrative.

Magyar reacted to a black-and-white image showing a cosy bedroom with a rumpled blanket. The screenshot, captured from a ceiling-mounted camera was taken in a central Budapest flat and uploaded to a website, circulating first in rightwing media earlier this week. The pic had a caption: "coming soon", which was later replaced with "once upon a time. 2024.08.03". 

The picture appears on the radnaimark.hu website, named after Mark Radnai, a senior Tisza official in charge of operative tasks.

Magyar said in a six-minute Facebook post that he had been in the apartment in question on that night and engaged in consensual sex with his former partner, Evelin Vogel. A recording was made that night, which could be released in a manipulated form, he added.

According to his account, they arrived at the Budapest flat in the early hours after a party where several unknown people were present. He saw alcohol and what appeared to be drugs on a table, but said he did not consume any illegal substances and said he would be willing to undergo drug testing.

He denied that Mark Radnai had any involvement in the case, but radical rightwing forums are flooded with comments hinting at a homosexual encounter between the two politicians. Magyar added that he did not realise at the time that he had become part of a "Russian-style intelligence operation" aimed at compromising him, and he believes he was set up and accuses Vogel of luring him into the trap.

Vogel denied involvement and said she had no idea how the video became public and said she was a victim herself. She also denied inviting Magyar to the flat.

A few months after their breakup, Magyar accused his former partner of blackmail, alleging that she had secretly recorded hours of his conversations and demanded tens of thousands of euros to remain silent. Vogel subsequently released recordings in which Magyar spoke disparagingly about journalists and supporters. She also toured pro-government media outlets criticising her former partner.

Local media unveiled that Vogel's rent in central Budapest was paid by an entrepreneur connected to Fidesz.

In the recent post, Magyar said her ex-girlfriend's later behaviour and blackmail made it clear to him that he had "walked into a Russian-style kompromat".

According to political analyst Szabolcs Dull, Magyar's decision to go public allows him to frame the narrative proactively, so that any future release of the footage can be interpreted within his context as part of a coordinated political attack.

However, Dull warned that the approach carries significant risks: by directly linking himself to the alleged sex video and references to drugs, Magyar could face renewed scrutiny and may be compelled to respond again if additional developments arise.

Political analyst Gabor Torok said that the disclosure of politicians' private affairs has been absent from Hungarian politics, and the political impact would depend on the content and public reaction. He argued that the release of a sex tape would not be risk-free for the ruling party either. While Fidesz publicly denied involvement, public perception may link the issue to Prime Minister Viktor Orban, making it part of his political legacy.

Hungary's veteran leader and longest-serving prime minister is seeking his fifth consecutive term (sixth overall, including 1998-2002), but he faces his toughest election since coming to power in 2010. The centre-right Tisza Party, founded by a former Fidesz cadre after the "clemency scandal", is leading by double digits in some independent polls.

Magyar described the election as a referendum on whether Hungary will align with the West or continue drifting toward Eastern-style autocracy, calling it more than just a vote but a call for "regime change". The Tisza Party campaigns on an anti-corruption platform, promising to restore the rule of law, democratic institutions, and Hungary's ties with EU partners and Visegrad Group countries. Its economic programme focuses on jump-starting growth by unfreezing EU funds, stamping out corruption, and increasing support for small and medium-sized enterprises.

With Hungary's economy stagnating over the past three years and public services in disarray, Orban's campaign has emphasised security and war. He has made Ukraine a central part of his agenda, using the conflict to overshadow the cost-of-living crisis, while stoking public distrust toward Ukraine. Orban has accused his challenger of acting as a puppet for Europe and Ukraine, allegedly willing to compromise Hungary's sovereignty by sending funds and resources to the conflict. Fidesz has increasingly relied on fear-mongering tactics, including AI-generated videos and false claims.