Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping set out an expansive vision for their bilateral relationship in a joint statement issued during a state visit to Beijing this week, marking 30 years of strategic partnership and 25 years since the signing of the 2001 Treaty of Good-Neighborliness, Friendship and Cooperation.

As IntelliNews reported, Putin’s trip to meet his Chinese counterpart was designed to bookmark a similar trip to Beijing a few days earlier by US President Donald Trump where the US president was forced to eat humble pie, rebuffed on his efforts to open the Chinese markets to US firms and help in bring the imbroglio of the Iran war to an end.

The Sino-Russian declaration follows on from the joint 8,000 word essay that Putin and Xi penned last year that lays out their vision for a multipolar world order that is challenging the incumbent western-dominate status quo that has been in place since WWII. The basic argument is that the Global South is rising and wants a seat at the top table of geopolitics on equal terms, where each country is free to make its own decisions on domestic policy issues and all countries should cooperate, but in terms of mutual respect. No more sanctions. No more lecturing “developing markets” on ethics. And no more protectionism.

Xi was especially aggressive with Trump, ignoring his bombast about deals and openly threatening the US with war, by alluding to the “Thucydides Trap” in his opening comments, if it interferes with China’s aspiration to reunite with Taiwan. In reaction, Trump already appears to have downgraded US support of Taiwan, saying it’s “too far away” to warrant US military support.

By contract Xi and Putin met to rub in the point that China and Russia are deepening their “no limits” partnership in the face of US aggression and that ties are at their “highest level in history,” largely insulated from external pressure, reflecting a relationship that both sides say is grounded in “sovereignty, non-interference and a shared push towards a multipolar world order.”

The latest joint document reaffirms opposition to what it describes as “hegemonism” (aka “unipolar”) and rejects sanctions not approved by the United Nations Security Council, placing Moscow and Beijing firmly at odds with western-led economic and security frameworks. The rejection of the twin policy of sanctions on one hand, and commerce on the other was laid out by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov in his "new rules of the game” speech delivered in February 2021 in the prelude to the Ukraine invasion a year later. There Lavrov laid out the Kremlin’s intolerance of the second class citizen status this twin policy of trade and punishment implies with the Global North decided what was right and wrong for Russia’s domestic policy but continuing to trade with Russia at the same time as it attempts to bully the Kremlin into following Western dictates imposed by sanctions.

At its core, the Sino-Russian agreement lays out a broad expansion of co-operation, especially in the overlapping interests in the Eurasia land mass. And to underscore the seriousness of their cooperation, Moscow and Beijing said they would deepen military ties, including joint exercises, air and maritime patrols and enhanced security co-ordination, signalling a steady tightening of defence links even as both sides insist the partnership is not directed against third countries.

Economic integration is also set to accelerate. Last year mutual trade turnover rose to $240bn, up from a mere $5bn of trade when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991. The two countries outlined plans to expand co-operation across trade, investment, energy, finance, logistics and advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence and digital infrastructure. Particular emphasis was placed on strengthening cross-border supply chains and increasing the use of national currencies in bilateral settlements as part of a joint effort to de-dollarise international trade.

Energy remains central to the relationship, but on this score less progress was made. Putin was hoping to finally close a deal to build the Power of Siberia 2 (POS2) gas pipeline linking the vast Yamal gas fields with China’s underdeveloped northwest territories, but talks are bogged down in haggling over the price of gas and volume commitments. Putin left Beijing with no POS2 deal. The previous POS1 deal took a decade to agree and there is no reason not to expect a similarly long negotiation for its sister pipeline. The failure to make much progress on the POS2 talks highlights the pragmatic relations developing between Moscow and Beijing; while they are united in their opposition to US bullying, when it comes to business, money still talks more loudly than aspirations to “brotherly cooperation.”

Nevertheless, the statement highlighted plans to deepen co-operation in oil, gas, coal, nuclear and renewable energy, alongside continued work on major projects such as the Tianwan and Xudapu nuclear power plants. Both sides also stressed the importance of safeguarding cross-border energy infrastructure and ensuring stable global energy markets.

Transport and logistics featured prominently, with commitments to expand China-Europe rail links via Russia, develop the Northern Sea Route and improve border infrastructure. All these projects are designed to provide land-based alternatives to maritime shipping routes that are vulnerable to interference by the powerful US navy. The IRGC’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz have highlighted the dangers of global maritime chokepoints, but China is also vulnerable to the closure of the Strait of Malacca, amongst others, and so has been pressuring to develop overland rail connections between Asia and Europe in cooperation with partners in Russia, Central Asia, the Caucuses and the Middle East as part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Projects such as the Europe–Western China corridor, the Middle Corridor, and the Russia-Mongolia-China Economic Corridor are expected to play a growing role in reshaping Eurasian trade flows, particularly as geopolitical tensions redirect global supply chains.

Beyond economics and security, the two countries pledged to broaden co-operation in education, science, culture, healthcare, media and tourism, while supporting further easing of visa rules to facilitate people-to-people exchanges. Education is emerging as a major theme in the Global South’s plans to close the development gap with established democracies and governments are investing heavily into their own human capital.

On global issues, the tone of the statement is sharply critical of western policies. It condemns unilateral sanctions, asset seizures and trade protectionism, while criticising Nato expansion, the AUKUS security pact, Japan’s rearmament and US missile defence initiatives, including the so-called “Golden Dome” project.

Russia reiterated its absolute commitment to backing the “One China” principle, opposing Taiwanese independence, while China voiced support for Russia’s stance on sovereignty and resistance to external interference – an oblique reference to Russia’s “special military operation” in Ukraine.

On Ukraine, both sides called for addressing the “root causes” of the conflict and emphasised the need for dialogue and negotiations. Moscow praised Beijing’s “objective and impartial” position, underlining China’s role as a potential diplomatic interlocutor.

The two countries also signalled alignment across a wide range of regional issues, including Korea, Afghanistan, Iran, Gaza, Syria, Africa, Latin America and the Arctic, generally advocating political solutions and opposing what they characterise as western pressure.

While the statement stops short of declaring a formal alliance, its breadth and tone point to an increasingly consolidated partnership. Moscow and Beijing insist their relationship is not bloc-based, yet the scale of co-ordination outlined suggests a long-term strategic convergence that is reshaping the geopolitical landscape.

Poignantly, China’s signalling to the White House on the strength and breadth of the growing informal Global South’s alliance to stand up to the Global North is not over yet. Beijing just announced that Xi will travel to Pyongyang in the coming weeks to meet with Kim Jong Un – the first time a Chinese leader has visited the North Korean capital in seven years.

Much attention has focused on the Sino-Russian relationship, but both Putin and Xi are busy constructing a much wider network of non-aligned relations in what is increasingly a patchwork world of geopolitical relations. They have turned to organisations like the BRICS+, the G20 and a plethora of Global Emerging Markets Institutions (GEMIs) that is more akin to a flexible network of cooperation deals based on overlapping national interests rather than the monolithic ideology of the “rules-based international order” that has dominated the world since the end of WWII.

Amongst these new alliances is the emerging CRINK alliance (China, Russia, Iran and North Korea) that has taken on an increasingly militaristic flavour since the start of Operation Epic Fury, as all four members are aiding each other with military supplies and technology. Between them, the four members have half the soldiers under arms in the world.